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From August to June , the Administration Section was led by Dr. Franz Medicus, who assumed responsibility in September for the administrative group with the quartermaster general in the Army High Command and later coordinated the reporting of the deactivation staffs.
From September to August , the Administration Section was led by Dr. Wilhelm Gustav Ermert. Throughout the occupation, the Economics Section was under the direction of Dr.
Elmar Michel, who, as mentioned, headed the entire administrative staff in personal union from August onward.
Group 1, General Affairs and De-jewification, of Subsection Wi I, under chief military administrative counselor Dr.
Kurt Blanke, played a central role in the economic measures against the Jews. Nestler estimates that the total number of people working for German bodies in France, exclusive of the occupying troops, was 80, Following this pattern, on the day Paris was captured, 14 June , the Reich foreign minister appointed the former collaborator of his Ribbentrop Bureau, Otto Abetz, as the plenipotentiary accredited to the military commander in Paris.
In fact, it played an active role in launching the persecution of the Jews and its ceaseless radicalization.
The relevant embassy employees in this connection were embassy counselor Dr. The foreign minister was initially Paul Baudouin, to be succeeded on 27 October by Laval, who was himself dismissed as vice president and foreign minister on 13 December In April , Laval returned to power with expanded competences.
The relative autonomy and capacity for political action of the home officials and the political and ideological upheaval in the country set the occupation, governmental, and administrative relations in France apart fundamentally from those in Belgium and the Netherlands.
This ideological orientation acquired its dynamic from the fact that it identified the supposed causes of the catastrophe of June It went along with the fear of foreign infiltration, whether because of an assumed dilution of French culture and identity or because of assumed threats to public security or adverse demographic developments.
On the other hand, the logic of exclusion, as precisely formulated by Duverger see n. This issue linkage prepared the ground for all of the measures against the Jews up to the deportations to the extermination camps.
Through the argumentative linkage with the public interest, the measures against the Jews could assume the character of justified measures that could be the taken for granted.
Here the common sense of the political and administrative elites of Vichy found its counterpart in that of the German military administration. The discrimination and persecution measures were facilitated by this common sense.
These measures had nothing in common with the extermination plans of the National Socialist government in Germany. Nevertheless, its genocidal plans could connect seamlessly with such preparations.
Through a pro-German stance in different variants, the French side hoped, in the long term, to ensure that the status of France would be respected in a postwar Europe dominated by Germany and, in the short term, to secure an improvement in some important areas of domestic policy, particularly a speeding up of the return of the prisoners of war, an easing of travel and trade between the occupied and free zones, and, not least, a strengthening of administrative autonomy, including that of the police.
On 11 November , Hitler observed, in his Directive No. The latter measure was contentious even on the German side, because of the negative repercussions on public opinion and the willingness to collaborate in France.
The efforts of Vichy officials to prove the seriousness of their collaboration efforts became even more intensive.
Moreover, the incident helped to ensure that Laval enjoyed an outstanding key position in relations between Germany and France after his return to power in April At the beginning of the German occupation of France, these consisted of just a single bureau of the Security Service Sicherheitsdienst, or SD that enjoyed nothing more than observer status, which was indicative of the initially relatively weak position of the Reich Security Main Office in the Western European territories.
The insignificant SD bureau in Paris took instructions from Brussels, where a special task force was established under the physician Dr. Max Thomas, in his capacity as representative of the chief of the Security Police and Security Service for Belgium and France,2 to whom the agencies in both Brussels and Paris reported.
Helmut Knochen, senior commander of the Security Police and the SD in France from Knochen was thus formally answerable to the representative of the commander of the Security Police and the SD Befehlshaber der Sicherheitspolizei und des SD, or BdS for France and Belgium, Thomas, who was officially based in both Brussels and Paris.
The general competence for all security and police affairs lay in the hands of the military commander. He arrived in Paris in September and reported directly to the head of Department IV B 4 in the Reich Security Main Office, Adolf Eichmann.
A conflict broke out between him and Knochen in the summer of , because Dannecker dealt directly with the French police stations and, when attempting to put some of them under pressure, paid no heed to the overall direction of occupation policy in the area of policing, which, meanwhile, was based on negotiated agreements between the German and French police leadership rather than on hierarchical order and obedience.
In the meantime, the preconditions for the collaboration were also favorable on the French side. Between June and August , Oberg, Knochen, and Bousquet conducted intensive negotiations aimed at achieving a compromise between collaboration in security matters and protecting French administrative autonomy.
Among the most horrifying episodes of the collaboration, however, was the deportation in August of several thousands of Jewish children, most of whom were separated from their parents and, after weekslong stopovers in French camps, were transported in cattle wagons to Auschwitz, where, without exception, they were murdered in the gas chambers immediately upon arrival.
The representatives of the Reich Security Main Office were involved only peripherally. Nevertheless, from the fall of at the latest, economic and repressive police persecution measures would be closely intermeshed.
In the measures to be taken against the Jews in the economic domain, two aspects are decisive. First, we must do what is necessary to ensure that the elimination of Jews [from the economy] endures even after the occupation.
Furthermore, the German side cannot provide sufficient manpower to deal with the great number of Jewish enterprises. Both of these considerations have led us to involve the French authorities in the elimination of Jews.
This will ensure that the French authorities share the responsibility and that the French administrative apparatus can be employed.
Assuming that important German interests are not involved, therefore, French provisional administrators will also be used in the first instance.
In principle, the aim will be to replace the Jews by French so that the French population also benefits economically from the elimination of the Jews and to avoid the impression that only the Germans want to take the place of the Jews.
This approach involves the danger that lower-level officials will not perform the tasks assigned to them with the necessary zeal, out of a lack of conviction.
Therefore, the task of the German military administration authorities will be to supervise and monitor carefully the activity of the French authorities in this regard.
The right of the administrateurs provisoires to liquidate Jewish enterprises was explicitly confirmed by law on 2 February When it came to the midsize and larger enterprises, the German military administration headquarters in Paris was in charge.
The body was divided into eight sections, each devoted to a particular economic sector. In the first half of , at least the administrateurs provisoires for the midsize and larger enterprises were still selected and appointed either by the prefects or directly by the administration of the military commander.
In France, there could be no question of such a central authority under German direction, because of the guarantee of French administrative sovereignty in the Armistice Convention.
The CGQJ had two headquarters, one in Vichy and one in Paris. It was answerable to the interior minister from April to May , then directly to the head of government from May The CGQJ serves as an example both of the tensions and contradictions within the multidimensional division of powers in the interplay between the German occupying power and the Vichy regime and of the action orientations of those concerned.
The comparison with the conditions in Belgium, where the planned Commissariat royal aux questions juives did not come about,18 makes this obvious.
On the other hand, the CGQJ was nevertheless established under German pressure and, as such, was an indication of latent interference by the occupying power in French administrative affairs.
Finally, the assignment of competence to the CGQJ triggered rivalries with the already established authorities, particularly with the SCAP and the regular Vichy ministries.
Copyright Agence Roger Viollet. This was true of the newly created MPI. Bichelonne and Bousquet each had a German counterpart in the person of comparably young and unscrupulous Nazi functionaries.
In the area of the economy and the collaboration in mobilizing workforces for the German armaments industry, this counterpart was Albert Speer.
From the French perspective, the question arose again concerning the integrity of the national administrative structures. From the German perspective, neither the occupied zone nor the Free Zone had a functioning administrative apparatus for implementing the economic measures against the Jews in the spring of By a law of 19 June , the SCAP was integrated into the CGQJ.
The remaining 10 percent was used to finance the CGQJ. Through a government ordinance of 21 March ,30 the UGIF was then authorized to draw upon the frozen accounts at the CDC to repay the credit.
In the final analysis, therefore, the so-called fine lent further impetus to the radicalization of the economic persecution measures directed against the Jews.
It ensured that the spoliation of Jewish property by the state was firmly institutionalized, particularly through the close cooperation between state authorities and banks.
In the final stage, these efforts of the French side ran parallel to the plans by the SD and the Gestapo to initiate the systematic mass deportations of Jews from France and to the streamlining of the organizational preconditions through the appointment of Oberg as HSSPF in May and the promotion of Knochen to BdS.
The primary issue for all of those concerned was instead a political one. On the German side in , the objective of the deportation of all Jews was a directive from the very highest level.
That was sufficient as motivation for the persecutors and as an argument toward the French authorities. Therefore, the prehistory of the mass deportations that began in June is, above all, proof of the political capabilities of the SS.
Both of these facts were primarily due to a Franco-German consensus among the professional police technocrats, epitomized by the Oberg-Bousquet agreement of August Their paths crossed after fundamental political changes as well as alterations affecting personnel and organization had been made on both the German and French sides in the spring of These involved, on the German side, the exclusion of the military commander from policing matters through the monopolization of jurisdiction by the SS and, on the French side, the return to power of Pierre Laval in April Initial French and German Persecution Measures The anti-Jewish measures introduced on both the French and German sides through ordinances and administrative decisions from the fall of onward represent the first arena.
At first, they did not lead to any more far-reaching organizational measures. Jewish immigrants or their children were profoundly affected by these measures.
The same holds for the Vichy law of 10 September ,11 which adopted an ordinance of the German commander in chief of the army of 20 May for the rear military areas under military administration,12 according to which a provisional administrator administrateur provisoire could be appointed for companies with absentee owners.
The first French measure directed explicitly against the Jews was the annulment on 27 August of the law of 21 April making anti-Semitic propaganda in the press a punishable offense.
Because of the first statute, Jews were excluded from the civil service and the army, from all public offices, from public companies, from teaching at public schools, and from a series of cultural and journalistic professions.
This was connected with a law published a few weeks later, on 22 July , mandating the handover and public administration of Jewish assets.
In the spring of , a further wave of economic decrees followed, subjecting the Jews to strict controls over their property that were implemented by the Vichy authorities.
The ordinances and administrative measures against the Jews primarily served to support strict police controls and restrictions on their mobility, but from May , direct repressive measures primarily targeted against nonFrench Jews were also taken.
Based on the law of 4 October , the French police imprisoned around 3, Jews in Paris on 14 May , deporting them to the Pithiviers and Beaune-la-Rolande detention camps run by French authorities in the occupied zone.
On 20 August , the Paris metropolitan police conducted a large-scale raid, in the course of which 3, Jews, mostly non-French nationals, were arrested based on arrest lists26 and were confined in the Drancy internment camp.
To this must be added internees from the Drancy camp. They formed the first of 79 transports sent to the extermination camps to which around 77, Jews living in France would fall victim.
The first mass murder of Jewish deportees by gassing took place on 19 July , to which of the deportees from the seventh convoy from Drancy fell victim.
The German military administration as well as the Vichy authorities and their police were involved in these persecution measures from the outset.
Congruent objectives functioned as a radicalizing factor in this process as much as did the wrangling over competences. During the first phase of the German occupation until the invasion of the Soviet Union on 22 June , the government in Vichy pursued an independent and active anti-Semitic policy whose primary goal was the exclusion of the Jews from the economy and public life and from the civil service.
When, following the invasion of the Soviet Union, the occupiers declared communist resistance to be a new security risk, they could also count on the basic willingness of the French police to collaborate in this area.
If an extensive homogeneity of objectives and the collaboration based on a division of labor were already an essential radicalizing factor, the dynamic of escalation was aggravated still further by the competition over competences between the German military administration and the Vichy authorities.
This was made apparent from the outset by the economic persecution measures against the Jews,31 where the Vichy representatives were afraid that the Germans would exert direct influence over French economic life.
The same logic would become apparent, from the spring of onward, in the police repression of the Jews in advance of and during the deportations.
They led to the development of procedural routines and the formation of new administrative bodies. Although a consolidation in this respect was achieved in the area of the economic persecution of the Jews in the summer of , such a consolidation in the area of police repression would not be achieved until the summer of The prompt French initiative and the rapid construction of the SCAP were a result of the determination on the French side to prevent the economic persecution of the Jews from becoming a vehicle of German influence over the French economy.
The institutional relations were considerably more complicated in the area of the police repression of the Jews. This applied to both the German and the French sides and to the relations between the German and French authorities.
These efforts were not successful when it came to the economic measures against the Jews. The process began with repressive measures by the military administration following the German invasion of the Soviet Union on 22 June This event ensured that clearly defined ideological fronts were restored on both the National Socialist and Communist sides.
On 19 August , a German field court-martial passed a death sentence on two young men, Henri Gautherot and Samuel Tyszelman, who had been arrested some days previously.
Both were immediately executed, and the execution was announced throughout the entire Paris municipal area, using particularly conspicuous red or yellow posters.
On the posters announcing the execution of the two young communists, the military administration made explicit that Tyszelman was a Jew. On 21 August , a member of the German armed forces was attacked for the first time, presumably as a response to the execution of Gautherot and Tyszelman.
A German marine was shot dead by two French attackers in a Paris Metro station. The reaction of Vichy to this new escalation of the German policy of repression was telling.
As early as 23 August , the Vichy interior minister, Pierre Pucheu, passed a law authorizing special courts to impose particularly draconian punishments, including the death penalty, on communist and anarchist offenders.
He [Hitler] could accept the shooting of three hostages only as a first direct measure. At least new hostages must be identified.
At the next assassination attempt, at least shootings must be conducted for each German. It will not be possible to master the situation without such draconian retaliation.
Please submit a telex report on the reasons that were decisive in confining the shootings to three hostages. The way in which the punishment is administered must heighten the deterrent effect still further.
The connection that the OKW directive drew between the conduct of the war against the Soviet Union, communist insurgency, and the military situation as a whole was also perfectly in tune with the interpretations of the occupation authorities.
To this was added the initially strong support for the German repressive measures by the government in Vichy.
This support reflected not only the shared anticommunism of the German occupiers and the French government but, above all, the fact that the policy of collaboration pursued by both sides proved to be resilient even under crisis conditions.
Since the OKW directive of 16 September , the viability of the collaboration and hence the basis for virtually all of the ruling practices of the military administration were in abeyance.
On the one hand, the military administration was naturally not in control of the triggering moment for the automatism of attack and reprisal decreed by Hitler and the OKW; on the other hand, there could be no assurance that the distinction the OKH imposed between communists and anarchists, on the one side, and the remainder of the French, on the other, would prove to be effective.
In fact, the relations between the occupying power and Vichy were plunged into a serious crisis at the end of October , after two senior German officials were shot dead by resistance fighters in consecutive attacks on the 20 and 21 October.
The details of these measures were the object of close and intense coordination with both the government in Vichy and the OKW, with Quartermaster General Wagner, who was in charge, receiving detailed directives from Hitler.
Despite this appeal, 50 further hostages were executed by German firing squads on the following day. In the fall of , the mass execution of entirely innocent people was the dominant theme among the French population and, insofar as one could speak of such, the French public.
This development was closely followed by both the government in Vichy and the German occupation administration. But the execution of a further 50 hostages if the perpetrators are not found can have dire consequences.
Its effect was nothing short of catalytic. On the other hand, it led to a consolidation of occupation and institutional policy, an integral component of which was the further radicalization of the persecution of the Jews.
The radicalization of the persecution of the Jews was undoubtedly the work of both of the key control centers of the German occupation regime in France, the specialist departments of the military commander in France and those of the German Embassy in Paris.
Moreover, presumably in the fall of , at the time of the supposed decisive battle before Moscow, German occupation policy in France was ultimately only a peripheral concern of the dictator.
This perception was also the essential common denominator between the German military administration, on the one side, and the government in Vichy, on the other.
Already at the very first signs of an intensification of resistance to the German occupying power following the German invasion of the Soviet Union, however, the military commander and the German Embassy in Paris explicitly made the Jews the target of more severe repressive measures.
The driving force behind the setting of priorities at this time, from the summer of , was not the OKW, the OKH, Hitler himself, or even the RSHA but, instead, the military commander and the German Embassy.
This became apparent for the first time with the raid conducted on 20 August As the collaboration of the Paris police demonstrated, the German side could rely on the fact that the Vichy regime and its leadership would apply an anti-Semitic interpretive framework that reflected its own stereotypes, particularly when measures were directed mainly against foreign Jews, as was the case with this raid.
Here we initially thought of a figure of up to 1, Werner Best. In the process, Knochen exhibited a level of unscrupulousness that was astounding even by the standards of the adept officers of the military administration.
The political repercussions would have been immense if punitive measures had been imposed on Frenchmen and afterwards the true authorship had become known.
Knochen and SS-Ostuf. Sommer, will no longer be employed there. Heydrich responded on 6 November , Because of the exceptional character of the measures to be conducted, the head of my Paris office [thus Knochen] did not inform the military commander.
For, judged by past experience of the collaboration with the military commander, he could scarcely count on meeting with the requisite understanding for the need to conduct these measures in the conflict with ideological opponents.
I also accept full responsibility for this. However, the extremely dramatic events of December would entirely overshadow such skirmishes in an ultimately peripheral matter of occupation administration.
The fifth of December marked the beginning of the Soviet counteroffensive that plunged the Wehrmacht, particularly the army and its high command, into its first major crisis since the beginning of the war.
The Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor followed on 7 December, and Germany declared war on the United States on 11 December.
Hitler dismissed the commander in chief of the army, Field Marshal von Brauchitsch, on 19 December. Unusually enough, the dictator himself now took over the leadership of the OKH.
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